BELGRADE, Serbia — It’s not an eventful week for Belgrade, it’s an eventful month. But this week is surely the most exciting. With its first entry into the Eurovision Song Contest as an independent state, Serbia won the world’s biggest music contest in 2007. Following tradition, when we watched late that night as Marija Å erifović took home the most points from voters across Europe, we knew that she secured Belgrade’s place as host of the 2008 Eurovision competition. I won’t lie; there were tears as it became instantly clear what that meant for my adopted country. Serbia, the country with perhaps the worst public image on the continent, would for one week become the center of Europe, with all eyes focused on its capital as the cheerful host of everyone’s favorite outlandish spectacle. Hundreds of millions of people would watch an event with Serbian hosts, organized by Serbs, with frequent mention of what we’re most proud of: our hospitality, culture, and most prominently, Serbian sports heroes, and it would all be bright lights, big dance numbers, and over-the-top entertainment.

This year’s contest takes place this week and, like New Years Eve, when partiers from Slovenia, Croatia, and other former Yugoslav states forget about their differences to descend on Belgrade for the region’s best and biggest party, fans from the rest of the world are arriving in Belgrade. These days a frequent topic of discussion begins with €˜have you seen any strangers around?’ It’s a reminder of how new it is for citizens here to see visitors from outside the region in their streets.

What many visitors may not see is the context of this week’s events. May 11 was the snap parliamentary elections, called following the breakdown of the government over Kosovo’s declaration of independence and the disagreement over Serbia’s path toward the European Union. Weary of elections, Serbs still managed to go to the polls, but after a victory for democratic parties, Serbia still lacks a government, a situation Serbs have sadly become familiar with. And last year’s winner, Serifović, has not escaped national controversy, something else perhaps unknown to foreign Eurovision fans. She appeared and performed at rallies for the Serbian Radical Party, and although subsequently claimed that rather than being a supporter, she did it for other (suspected material) reasons, her reputation nevertheless emerged tarnished. It has not been an easy year for Belgrade, that’s for sure. It was only three months ago, after all, when the world’s eyes were cast on Belgrade in shock as videos of riots and the fires of burning embassies and western businesses covered international broadcasts.

But Belgrade has managed to pull the whole thing off. Thanks to a colleague, I had the great fortune of attending the last dress rehearsal before last night’s first Semi-Final to determine who goes on to the final on Saturday night. This is the largest Eurosong contest to date, with 43 contestants and for the first time, two semi-final events prior to the final. Alongside cheering for my favorite songs (I fell most for the moving clear-sung ballad of Israel, with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s danceable rock song, and Russia’s Timbaland-produced song with its unique stage production coming in close seconds), I was really impressed with the organization of the event. The stage design is beautiful; following the theme of this year’s contest, Confluence of Sound, the set resembles the merging of the Danube and Sava rivers, the site of Belgrade. The press center is supposedly the biggest and best ever. And organizers and Belgraders alike are eager to show outsiders that their city is a loving one, with a lot to be proud of, professionalism that can match or exceed anyone else’s, a people that the outside may have forgotten, but that hasn’t forgotten them, and a heart big enough to welcome them all. And who knows, with Serbia’s entry, another soaring heart-wrencher composed by co-host and Eurovision veteran Željko Joksimović, tipped to be one of the top contenders to take home the win again this year, Belgrade may make Eurovision history and have the chance to do it all again.

In the meantime, across the continent, whether part of political Europe or not, we’ll just root for our favorite song with eager anticipation. That’s the great thing about Eurovision, for one night of the year, everyone from Azerbaijan to the United Kingdom gets caught up in the same thing; and in the end, its all about the music.

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BELGRADE, Serbia — Some colleagues and I just returned from a brief but enlightening trip to Moldova and Transnistria, January 21-23. We wanted to learn more about the complex political, social, and economic situations and how our programs (BST and BTD) can assist those working to improve them.

A bit of background: After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent collapse of the Moldovan economy, the population began to leave in search of a better life. Officially, roughly one-third of all working-age Moldovans have migrated abroad. In 2007, these foreign workers sent home over $1 billion, or 36 percent of the country’s GDP, fueling the country’s weak agricultural-based economy. With an average monthly income of somewhere around $150, and the majority (60 percent) of the population living in rural areas, Moldova is the poorest country in Europe. And most make significantly less than the national average when one considers that the figure is inflated by the increasing fraction of super-rich. Compounding the problems, or rather, an impediment keeping the small nation of 3.4 million from moving more rapidly forward, is the frozen conflict in the country’s eastern border region of Transnistria. After a unilateral declaration of independence on September 2, 1990, which was not recognized by any other state, the territory entered a brief war with Moldova, which resulted in the creation of the so-called Transnistrian Moldovan Republic. The status of the territory has been disputed since, with a 1,200-strong Russian military presence among the fairly evenly-split Moldovan-Russian-Ukrainian population.

In Moldova, as in many transitional countries, there is a large gap between rich and poor. But the difference here is the degree of the contrast. Pedestrians in Chisinau’s streets either look Western, in smart suits and ties, or as if having just materialized from a century ago. And perhaps differing from much of its neighbors, this gap just seems to be getting worse, without a sign that it will reverse. We were told of another important gap mirroring the rich-poor gap; that of the growing chasm between those who are in the know and those who aren’t; i.e. those who are aware of their rights, are well-informed of events and issues that affect them, and feel like a member of society. Obvious reasons for this growing gap are mass migration, a weak independent media, and lack of Internet access. Although it has made strides in development in recent years, civil society remains fairly elitist, as opposed to grassroots, without enough contact with citizens. The work of civil society is not sufficiently visible, again obviously a problem of the lack of independent media. It is crucially important for civil society to continue efforts to increase citizen participation, particularly outside the capital, motivating ordinary citizens to help push the country forward.

In Transnistria, isolation and lack of independent and unbiased information are tenfold. An authoritarian regime keeps tabs on all organizations, making work difficult. Laws governing NGOs are strict and similar to Russia’s, thus the donor community can fund largely”soft” issues. The capital, Tiraspol, perhaps surprisingly, perhaps not, is cleaner and neater than Moldova’s capital, Chisinau, but the lack of contact with the outside world is clearly apparent. Many describe it as a place frozen in time. Soviet era monuments are scattered around town. An enormous rose-colored granite statue of Lenin stands in front of the government building and a triumphant Soviet tank greets you on the main road. Transnistria’s first and most influential nongovernmental organization’s headquarters features side by side images of Che Guevara and Putin on its façade. In such an environment some good civil society organizations do exist, thus many are of the opinion that these must be kept active, working, and connected to the outside world, so that when changes to this forgotten area finally do occur, responsible proactive citizens are ready to lead the way.

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BELGRADE — What do you know about Serbia? No, that’s Serbia, not Siberia.

Twenty-year-old Novak Djokovic’s defeat of world number one and heavy favorite Roger Federer August 12 at the Rogers tournament in Montreal, one of the preparatory events for the U.S. Open, is the biggest in a string of recent successes for young Serbs.

It is not unfair to say that most Americans have little-to-no knowledge of the new and newly landlocked country (its coastline was lost when Montenegro voted in May 2006 to leave the State Union of Serbia and Montenegro, the successor state to Yugoslavia) of some 10 million. But for those that do have some impression of the people of this country, that impression is usually, perhaps almost exclusively, limited to a view of Serbs as aggressors. There really is no other word. Mentions of Serbs in the media for the last nearly two decades typically involve other familiar words, phrases, and place names that bring to mind disturbing remembrances, such as: ethnic cleansing, siege, war criminals, Sarajevo, Kosovo, failed negotiations, and Srebrenica. Serbs are widely known as those responsible for the wars that ravaged the Balkans in the 1990s.

But eight years after conflicts’ end and seven years after its people overthrew their dictator and extradited him to The Hague, a new face of Serbia has surged onto the world stage. Mere children in Europe’s grim debacle, a new crop of young Serbs have shaken off their older compatriots’ endless failings and suddenly emerged to become, of all things, role models.

Three implausibly talented Serbian stars have stormed the tennis scene this year. Novak Djokovic is currently ranked #3, while on the women’s tour, 22-year-old Jelena Jankovic is #3 with 19-year-old Ana Ivanovic close behind at #5. It’s not insignificant that we’re talking about one of the most elite of sports, the rich person’s sport. Afterall, Serbia could have produced three world-class boxers, couldn’t it?

But tennis is not even the only mega-success story. Europeans became enthralled with Serbia this spring when 22-year-old Marija Serifovic won the coveted Eurovision title, a ridiculously over-the-top song contest unfamiliar to Americans, but a phenomenon in Europe, with a television audience of a staggering 150 million and contestants from Iceland to Israel, Macedonia to Monaco. Her ballad, Molitva (“Prayer”), moved voters with its heartrending key change and the singer’s belting voice. While some (most noticeably, the British, whose embarrassing entry of singing air-stewardesses finished second to last) cried “bloc-voting,” the practice of formerly politically-tied Eastern European states voting for their neighbors, the truth is that Molitva simply pulled at the sappily-inclineds’ heartstrings. Serbs are kicking ass, not only in world sporting events (the Serbian national water polo team is back to its old championship ways, while the country’s under-18 and under-20 basketball teams are chalking up championships, paving the way for another world champion national team), but also in the realm of international pop-cheese.

Djokovic, or Nole, as he is more commonly known in his home country, took the hard and seemingly charmed road to his most recent win. He defeated the number two (Spain’s Rafael Nadal) and three (the United States’ Andy Roddick) seeded players to reach the final with Switzerland’s Federer. To overpower the top three athletes in the same tournament is a feat for the record books. Nadal puts fear in all his opponents with perhaps the strongest mental game in the sport, not to mention those rippling biceps. Roddick is in the middle of a full-force comeback after some disappointing loses, and has one of the fiercest serves on the ATP tour. While Federer, well Federer is just Federer: the man has no weaknesses to exploit. But Nole outlasted Rafa, went head to head on aces with “the other A-Rod,” and crushed Federer in two tie-breaks. This was in no small way, Djokovic’s tournament.

It was surely the younger man’s perseverance and positive attitude that made the win possible. Novak is not afraid to laugh disarmingly and look to the sky when Federer gets the better of him, his endearing smiling self-reproaches contrast with Federer’s customary stoic countenance. Novak is human and young, Federer the robotic old-hand. It’s easy to fall for the slightly awkward boy, just out of his teens, and begin to root for the upstart to beat the statesman.

Back in Serbia, the country has been in a state of tennis delirium for months, pinned to television screens, cheering on “our” boy and girls, or cursing shots out by centimeters. Tennis centers throughout the capital are full from early hours and long into the night with thousands of school children hoping to become the next Nole. To sum up what it all means for people in Serbia, the local television commentator declared upon Federer’s loss, “The king is dead! Long live the king!” No offense to Federer, but a lot of high hopes hang on the promising lad.

Yet it seems that everyone still has a little trouble knowing from where Djokovic hails. Serbia, just as it is not Siberia, is also not Croatia. When an official introduced the champion in Montreal, he presented the “Croat, Novak Djokovic.” This was no small error. Croats and Serbs were at war with each other, with trials still ongoing to punish those responsible for wartime wrongdoings. But for Novak it was a small error. When offered his chance to speak about his victory, he politely corrected the mistaken identity, saying “Of course I’m not angry; it’s the same thing.” He was quick to make certain that no one would think that he could be bothered by the supposition that he is Croatian. For Djokovic the two peoples who speak nearly identical languages have more in common than differences between them. He then praised Federer, “It’s a dream come true to win such a strong tournament and to win against probably the best player ever in the sport.” And this time when an athlete makes such remarks, you believe him.

If you watch the moments after the win in slow motion, you’ll see Novak in total disbelief, his eyes like saucers. Widely known for being on friendly terms with many of the other players and his fun-loving manner off the court, you couldn’t ask for a better idol: humble, with impeccable sportsmanship, Novak is the underdog who unseeded the reigning champion.

Also stealing the spotlight and showing what dreams are made of, are Djokovic’s compatriots Ana Ivanovic and Jelena Jankovic. In a stunning day in the history of Serbian tennis, Ivanovic was the second Serb to secure a championship title, at the Los Angeles East West Bank Classic, another U.S. Open Series event. To get to that final, she competed against Jankovic in an all-Serbian semifinal. Aside from her powerhouse passing shots, Ivanovic is making headlines for her good looks, the brunette to the blonde tradition of Kournakova and Sharapova. But more refreshing are her smiles and quiet kind words. In her acceptance speech, she even thanked “the ball boys and ball girls.” A more gracious winner there has never been. Jankovic follows the same trend. On her way to the mixed doubles victory this year at Wimbledon with the UK’s Jamie Murray, she laughed rather than cursed when shots didn’t go her way. With all the positivity exuding from these tennis stars, people will finally have another impression of Serbia. One of a talented, warm, and thankful people.

On the same day that their older compatriots battle it out to retain the sovereignty of their country by trying to halt the independence of the province of Kosovo and discuss possible partition of the territory along ethnic lines, these young people showed the world the better side of Serbia. Sanctions and NATO bombs may have made their path to stardom more difficult, but here they are, with Serbia’s best face forward, and the U.S. Open just days away.

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Growing up during a decade of violence and its resulting aftereffects, the youngest generations in the Western Balkans have felt the brunt of the consequences. Unlike many of their parents, particularly those in the former Yugoslavia who benefited from the now legendary passports that allowed travel in both the capitalist West and communist East, young people today have had little opportunity to leave their home countries. Freedom of movement is something most of them have never known. Imposed visa restrictions and a severe lack of financial resources for the majority of young people are serious barriers to foreign travel. But this is a problem with additional consequences. Without the ability to experience other countries and the varied cultures, societies, and political realities to be found there, young Balkan citizens are hindered in gaining the knowledge and insight necessary to help bring about the reform efforts so essential in their home countries.

To address these issues, in 2005, European Movement in Serbia began a very successful initiative enabling 100 Serbian students in its first year, and 200 students in 2006 to travel to the EU countries of their choice. They are given Eurail passes, one-month Schengen visas, and pocket money: a simple checklist, but one so valuable for these young people. For the first time this summer students from throughout the region will participate in the Student Travel to Europe project. Prominent pro-European organizations from the Balkan countries with the strictest visa regimes: Albania (Mjaft!), Bosnia and Herzegovina (Centres for Civic Initiatives), Macedonia (Citizens’ Association Most), Montenegro (European Movement in Montenegro), and Serbia (European Movement in Serbia), including Kosovo (Youth Initiative for Human Rights €“ Kosovo) have partnered together with the support of the Robert Bosch Foundation and the Balkan Trust for Democracy to send about 450 top students on what is, for many, the trip of their lives.

The competition to earn a place on the trip is merit-based, with preference given to those who have never traveled abroad. An extensive media campaign informed students of the competition, while also drawing the general public’s attention to the important issues the project addresses, such as visa liberalization.

While the students travel, they acquaint themselves with everyday life in the European Union, but they can also gain insight into the steps necessary in their own country to secure and accelerate their countries’ European Union accession path, the true value of freedom of movement, and greater awareness of their country’s place in Europe. EU citizens will also meet these student ambassadors, who then help to dispel all-too-common misperceptions and misinformation about their country and the Balkan region.

Another added benefit to this year’s project is that students from different countries in the region have the rare opportunity to meet each other. The student groups from Macedonia and Montenegro traveled to Belgrade, where they were greeted at a reception at city hall that included deputy prime minister Bozidar Djelic, deputy mayor of Belgrade,Radmila Hrustanovic, Austrian ambassador to Serbia Gerhard Gandl, and my colleague Jovan Jovanovic from BTD, but also where they had the opportunity to meet the students from Serbia. The whole group then met again in Vienna, where they were greeted by government officials. The groups from Kosovo, Albania, and Bosnia and Herzegovina will meet in Berlin in mid-August. These group meetings allow the students to get to know each other, helping to re-establish positive relations between young people in the region.

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